麦克阿瑟告别演讲译文

麦克阿瑟告别演讲

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. 总统先生，议长先生，尊敬的国会议员们：

我站在主席台前，感到深深的惶恐和无比的骄傲。惶恐的是在我之前已经有很多美国历史的伟大建筑师们站到了这里给我的压力；骄傲的是这个立法辩论的圣地代表的人类创造的最纯的自由的彰显。整个人类的信仰、热望和希望都汇集于此。我不想作为任何党派事业的倡导站在这里，因为这些问题举足轻重、意义深远非政党考虑所能涵盖。如果我们的事业要保持健全，我们的未来要有保证，那么这些问题必须在国家利益的高度解决。因此，我希望你们能公正地接受我作为一个美国公民提出的肺腑之言。

I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe. 我的讲话里既没有因烈士暮年而充满积怨，也没有尖酸刻薄，有的是一颗赤胆忠心：报效国家。这些问题是全球性的，如此错综复杂，以至于考虑一个领域的各

种问题，明显地对其它领域的问题，是不折不扣的引火烧身。当亚洲被公认为欧洲的门口时，欧洲同样被认为是亚洲的门口，对一方的广泛影响，不可能不是对另一方的影响。一些人声称我们的实力不足以应对两条战线，我们要反击这种观点。共产主义的威胁是全球性的。它在一个领域的成功有摧毁其它任何领域的威胁。你无法在亚洲讨好或投降共产主义而不动摇在欧洲阻止共产主义的努力。

Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.

除了指出这些不言自明的事，我想把讨论局限于亚洲。任何人在有意研究那里目前的局面之前，他应该深刻了解亚洲的过去和她走向当今的进程在里程碑式的革命性变革。长期受到所谓的殖民主义国家的剥削，几乎没有获得任何程度的社会公正和个人尊严或高生活水平的机会，这些是我们在菲律宾的高尚管理的指南，亚洲各国人民发现他们打破殖民主义桎楛的机会在战争中失去，他们看到了新机会的曙光，迄今还没有感觉到的尊严和政治自由的自尊。

Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. 拥有世界一半的人口和60%的自然资源，这些人们正在快速的形成道义和自然意义上的新势力，他们用这个力量提高生活水平和把现代进步的理念融入他们的独特的文化环境。不管谁固守殖民主义的思潮与否，这是亚洲进步的方向，任何人都无法阻挡。这是世界经济前沿转变的必然结果。当今国际事务的中心就是世界经济的前沿又一次回到它的出发点。

In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.

在这种情况下，使我们国家的政策与这种基本的演变形势相一致而不是对殖民地现在已经成为过去，亚洲各个民族都在追求打造自己的自主命运的权力这个事实视而不见。他们现在追求的是友好的指导、理解和帮助—而不是飞扬跋扈的命令—平等的尊严而不是征服的耻辱。他们在战前的生活标准十分悲惨，现在在战争留下的废墟中更加雪上加霜。国际意识形态在亚洲人的思维里几乎不起作用，而且也不被理解。各个民族追求的只不过是肚子里多一点点食物的几乎，身上穿着好一点的衣服，头顶上更加坚固的屋顶以及普通民族主义者的政治自由的愿望可以实现。这些政治的-社会的形势只不过间接地影响我国的安全，但是如果我们要躲过非现实主义的陷阱，我们就不得不认真考虑他们构成的当前计划的背景。 Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.

直接和当下就影响我们的国家安全的是形成战后太平洋战略潜力的各种变化。美国的西部战略前沿位于美洲的多边边界，和在此之外延伸到夏威夷、中途岛、关岛直到菲律宾群岛的一个岛链。事实证明这个突出的岛链不是坚固的前哨，而是敌人能够也曾经沿着此攻击的防守薄弱的通道。

The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and

all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific. 太平洋曾经是企图攻击沿岸国家的侵略成性的国家的必争之地。我们在太平洋的胜利改变了一切。我们的战略前沿也从此转移的了整个太平洋，只要我们控制了太平洋，它就成了我们的无边的护城河。的确，它起着所有美洲国家和太平洋沿岸自由国家防卫之盾的作用。我们与我们的自由世界盟友通过一个从阿留申群岛到马里亚纳群岛的岛链控制着直到太平洋与亚洲海岸相接的广漠水域。由这个岛链我们通过海、空军遏制着从海参崴到新加坡的所有港口—如我所说，每个港口—从海参崴到新加坡—防止任何敌对势力进入太平洋。

*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No

amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.

*任何来自亚洲的侵略性攻击只能是两栖作战。*没有任何两栖作战能够在没有进攻路线上的制海权和制空权的前提下成功。我们有海、空军的绝对优势和足够的地面作战力量保卫所有基地，任何来自亚洲大陆的对我们或我们的盟友的重点进攻都将以失败告终。

Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment. 在这样的条件下，太平洋不再是未来的敌人进攻我们的危险的通衢。恰恰相反，成了充满友谊的内湖。有了这个天然的防线我们的军事努力和开支就可以降到最低水平。这里没有针对任何一方的进攻，也不会为任何进攻行动提供必需的堡垒，有的是适度维系的抵御任何进攻的固若金汤的防线。掌握这个西太平洋的多边防线完全取决于掌握各个防线；因为任何一段防线被一个不友好的势力突破将使任何其它主要防线受到攻击的危险。

This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.

这个军事评估我一直在等待一个军事领导人提出异议。因此我过去极力强调一个特急军事情况，就是无论如何情况下，台湾都不能落入共产党人的手里。这个不测事件一旦发生将立刻威胁到菲律宾的自由和日本的丧失，并且可能迫使我们把西部防线撤退到加利福尼亚州、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州海岸。

To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.

为了理解中国大陆现在发生的巨变，你必须理解在过去的五十年里中国人的秉性和文化发生的巨变。中国，直到五十年前，还是彻头彻尾的一盘散沙，被互相争斗的军阀们各自割据。对外发动战争的倾向几乎没有，因为他们仍然信奉孔夫子的“和为贵”教义。在世纪之交，在张作霖的统治下，进一步统一国家的运动促成了民族主义者的壮大。在蒋介石的领导下这种统一取得了巨大的成功，导致的最大的后果就是在当今的政府领导下演变成了一种颇具统治和侵略倾向的民族主义秉性。

Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become

militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.

在过去的五十年里，中国人民的观念和理想都军事化了。他们现在组成了拥有出色的指挥和参谋人员和最精锐的士兵的军队。这创造了亚洲的新的统治性的大国，它为了自己的利益与苏联结盟但坚持他们自己的观念和方法，已经成了侵略性的帝国。它的强军扩张的野心符合这类帝国主义。

There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.

无论这样还是那样看，在中国人的秉性里几乎没有任何意识形态观念。他们的生活水平极低，资本积累在战争中灰飞烟灭，广大民众因此奋不顾身地追随任何可能把他们解救出当地桎酷的领导。

I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.

我从开始就认为中国共产党人对北朝鲜的支持是占优的。他们在北朝鲜的利益在今天不亚于苏联。但是我认为他们最近显示的侵略性不仅在朝鲜而且还在印度支那和西藏，潜在的锋芒直指能南方，强力彰显了有史以来任何可能的征服者都具有的扩张国力的野心。

The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will,

eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.

日本人民，自战争时起，一直开展历史上最伟大的改革。他们有令人啧啧称赞的学习的意志和热望，出色的理解力，在战争的废墟上，建立了一个给国民最大个体自由和人身尊严的大厦；随后他们有建立了真正的人民代表组成的政府，致力于政治道德的进步、经济实体的自由和社会的公平。

Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.

在政治、经济和社会上日本已经可以和地球上的很多自由国家比肩了，不会再次辜负国际社会的信任了。或许寄希望于日本在亚洲的事务中发挥深远的有益影响已经被日本人民在应对最近的战争、动乱和纠缠他们的来自外部和内部被控制的共产主义的困惑的挑战中没有丝毫放缓进步的步伐的惊人表现所证明了。我把我们的四个占领师全部投入韩国前线没有一点对造成日本军力真空的影响的担忧。这些结果完全证实了我的信念。我知道没有任何国家比日本更加沉着、守序和勤奋，也没有哪个国家能在人类的进步中怀有更高的未来建设性的服务的希望。 Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.

关于我们的庇护国菲律宾，我们满怀信心地期待当前的动荡得到平息，一个强大健康的国家摆脱战争的严重破坏的后续影响，发展起来。我们一定要耐心、理解而且永远不能辜负他们—如同在我们需要的时候，他们没有辜负我们一样。作为一个基督国家，菲律宾是一个基督精神在远东的坚强堡垒，它在亚洲的崇高道德领导能力不可限量。

On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority

representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.

在台湾，中华民国政府曾经有机会用行动驳斥大多数恶意的舆论，这些舆论侵蚀了国民党在中国大陆的领导力量。台湾人民将接受一个公正的开明的政府，这个政府具备政府的大多数功能，在政治、经济和社会上正在沿着健全和建设性的路线前进。

With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.

带着这个对周边地区的简要洞悉，我现在转到韩战。虽然总统做出旨在支持大韩民国的军事干预的决定并没有与我商量，从军事观点来看，这个决定是正确的，因为我们击退了入侵者，大量杀伤了他的部队。当红色中国以绝对优势的地面部队干预时，我们的胜利是彻底的，我们的目标已经达到。

This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming.

这创造了一场全新的战争和彻头彻尾的新形势，一个我们的军队投身于抵御北韩侵略者时没有预料到的形势；一个在外交领域做出想决策以便赢得时间做出现实的军事战略调整的形势。

这样的决策始终没有做出。

While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.

虽然没有一个头脑冷静的人会提出派我们的地面部队入侵中国大陆，甚至一点这样的念头都没有，但是如果我们的政治目的是如同我们过去击败老对手一样击败这个新敌人，新形势的确迫切地需要果断的战略规划修改。

Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the

imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.

在我看来，除了把鸭绿江以北的敌人的避难所中立化的军事需要，我觉得指挥一场战争的紧迫性必须：首先强化对中国的经济封锁；其次，部署海军对中国海岸进行封锁；第三，撤销对中国沿海地区和满洲里地区的空中侦察的限制；第四，撤销对在台湾的中华民国军队的限制，这只军队及其后勤支援可以有效地投入打击我们共同的敌人的军事行动。

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.

因为维护所有这些观点，这些观点都是精心设计的旨在支持我们投入韩国的部队和结束敌对状态，而且延迟最少，可以挽救无数美国和盟国军人的生命，我一直受到严厉的批评，他们指责我到处画圈子，主要是在国外，尽管我对这些观点从军事角度的理解在过去事实上一直被任何关注韩战的军事领导人所赞同，包括参谋长联席会议。

I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.

我要求增援，都是得到的回答是无法增援。我阐明了如果不允许摧毁敌人在鸭绿江北的基地，如果不允许利用台湾的 600，000中国友军，不允许封锁中国的海岸防止红色中国得到他们没有的援助，如果主要的增援遥遥无期，从军事角度看，盟军司令部的地位就会封杀了胜利。

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our

forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have

constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution. 我可以通过持续的军事行动在我们的优势补给线与敌人的劣势补给线持平的地区附近控制韩国，但是我们可能最多只能取得一些微不足道的胜利，而一旦敌人倾注全力我们的部队就会卷入可怕的持久的消耗战。我一直在谋求彻底解决的政治决定。

Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: 很多人不遗余力的诋毁我的立场。他们说事实上我是一个战争贩子。事实胜于雄辩。几乎没有活着的人对战争的理解能达到我对战争的理解程度，我最痛恨的就是战争。我长期以来致力于彻底消除战争，因为只要诉诸战争，无论敌我双方都会遭到毁灭性打击，使它对解决国际争端毫无作用。的确，在一九四五年九月二日，日本国在密苏里号战舰上的投降仪式刚刚结束，我就正式提出下列忠告： "Men since the beginning of time have

sought peace. Various methods through the

ages have been attempted to devise an

international process to prevent or settle

disputes between nations. From the very

start workable methods were found in so

far as individual citizens were concerned,

but the mechanics of an instrumentality of

larger international scope have never

been successful. Military alliances,

balances of power, Leagues of Nations,

all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The

utter destructiveness of war now blocks

out this alternative. We have had our last

chance. If we will not devise some

greater and more equitable system,

Armageddon will be at our door. The

problem basically is theological and

involves a spiritual recrudescence and

improvement of human character that will

synchronize with our almost matchless

advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of

the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh."

自从盘古开天地，人类一直在追寻和平。多少个世纪以来，人们尝试了无数的方法构建一个国际程序防止和解决国与国之间的争端。从一开始人们就找到了可行的解决人与人之间关系的方法，但是借助国际范围的解决机制从来没有成功的。军事结盟，力量制衡，国家联盟相继失败，留下的唯一方法就是战争的考验。战争的极大破坏性勾勒了这个替代方法。我们还有最后一次机会。如果我们不能构建一些更加有力更加平等的系统，世界末日大决战必将到来。这个问题从根本上讲是神学性质的涉及精神和人类品性的改进，这个改进是与我们在科学、艺术、文学的近乎无与伦比的进步和过去2，000年来所有物质的和文化的进化同步的。如果我们要拯救血肉之躯，就必须具备这种精神。

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.

War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.

In war there is no substitute for victory.

但是一旦战争强加到我们的头上，除了用一切手段尽快结束它别无选择。 战争的最高目标是夺取胜利，不是举棋不定。

在战争中除了取胜别无选择。

There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where

appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.

一些人出于各种原因姑息红色中国。他们对清晰的历史教训视而不见，因为历史毋庸置疑地强调姑息绥靖只能是导致新的流血战争。历史上没有一个例子证明为了这个目的可以不择手段，所有的例子都是姑息绥靖导致的屈辱的和平。和敲诈勒索一样，它滋生新的欲壑难填的要求，如同敲诈勒索一样，直到动用唯一的另外选择—暴力。

"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.

Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.

我的一个士兵问我：“为什么要把战场上的军事优势拱手让给一个敌人？”我无言以对。

有些人可能说：避免把冲突扩大为与中国的全面战争；另一些可能说避免苏联干预。没有一个解释成立，因为中国已经投入了他们的全部军力，苏联没必要和我们直接冲突。就像一条眼镜蛇，任何新的敌人极有可能在他认为他们在世界范围内有军事或其它潜在的优势时发动战争。

The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.

把军事行动限制在韩国领土进一步加剧了韩国的悲剧。全面的海空狂轰滥炸的摧枯拉朽的破坏力捣毁了我们要保护的国家，而我们的敌人的栖身之地却安然无恙。

Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.

在全世界所有的国家中，迄今为止只有韩国倾其举国之力抵御共产主义。韩国人民的勇气和坚毅是语言难以描述的。

They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"

他们选择了死亡而不是当奴隶。他们给我的最后一句话是：“不要放弃太平洋！” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.

我把你们英勇善战的儿女们留住了韩国。他们在那里接受了所有的考验，我可以毫无保留地告诉你们，他们在任何方面都表现得灿烂辉煌。

It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.

我一直致力于保护他们，以最短的时间和最小的牺牲来体面地结束这场残酷的冲突。日益增长的流血牺牲令我痛苦不堪、寝食难安。

这些仗义豪爽的优秀儿女们时常萦绕在我的心头，我永远为他们祈祷。

I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."

我52年的军旅生涯即将结束。当我从军时，还没有到世纪之交，它是我全部儿时的梦想和希望的实现。自从我在西点军校的操场上庄严宣誓以来，世界已经发生了翻天覆地的变化，这些希望和梦想早已灰飞烟灭了，但是我仍然记得那时一首最流行的军营歌谣的副歌：“老兵永远不死；他们仅仅是淡出了。”

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.

Good Bye.

正如那首歌谣中的老兵，我现在结束我的军旅生涯并且淡出，因为上帝还给他光芒让他看见天职，这个老兵就试图履行了他的天职。

再见。